Campaign News
Of course you're going to vote. It's a clear case! PDF Print E-mail
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Sunday, 18 February 2018 08:07

From Cathy Buckle 16 February 2018

Dear Family and Friends,


Zimbabwe has just heard news of the death of Morgan Tsvangirai, a man who had become a beacon of hope in Zimbabwe for the last two decades. Founder and leader of opposition party MDC, Mr Tsvangirai will be remembered as a brave man who made extreme sacrifices to try and bring an end to oppression and dictatorship. He taught us to stand up for what we believe in and all eyes now are on his party and whether they can put personalities aside for the good of our country.


Trying to stand up for what I believe in, I recently went, yet again, to try and get myself back on the voters roll. I’ve lost count of how many times I’ve come to a voters’ registration centre since 2005 after my right to vote was denied because my parents were not born in Zimbabwe and I was declared an ALIEN.    


Despite it being the last day of the “mobile voter registration mop up exercise” I had expected a queue but in fact was the only person in the registration office. It was a typical run down, government office with dirty walls, chairs with torn upholstery and exposed springs and electrical cables running all over the floor.  Greeted by a friendly, polite and welcoming official from ZEC (the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission) I had a large brown envelope with my life in it: originals and photocopies of everything that proves I am who I say I am. They only wanted three things and I laid them out on the table: birth certificate, ID and proof of residence. As the documents were inspected I closed my eyes, hardly daring to breathe. Born in Southern Rhodesia, Zimbabwe Identity document and a utility bill for proof of residence.


“It’s a clear case” the ZEC official said, instructing her colleague to fill in the voters registration form. My eyes flew open and for a moment I couldn’t believe what was I was seeing. Line by line they filled in my details: name, address, phone number, ID number and then passed the form across for me to sign. “Am, I going to vote this time?” I asked; “I’ve been denied since 2005.”“Of course!” she said, ”everything’s changed now. You were born here and you live here. It’s a clear case!” There was much laughing and smiling and she handed me my papers and directed me to go to the next desk to have my details entered into the biometric registration computer , have my photograph taken and be given my voters bar code slip.


Then in an instant everything changed. Suddenly someone from the DA’s (District Administrator) office came in and asked for my original birth certificate, proof of residence and ID card. “To check your details,” he said.


The minutes dragged by: ten, twenty, thirty, until finally, forty minutes later the man came back, returned my documents and said I could not be registered to vote because my parents came from Europe. “But I was born here and have lived here all my life?” I said. “The constitution says I am automatically a citizen if I am born in the country.” My pleas were in vain, the official wasn’t budging on his declaration that I was not eligible.


Euphoria turned to anger very quickly. The ZEC official had declared my eligibility and processed my registration but now suddenly a local government official was over ruling it. “You need to see the Registrar to explain that because your parents were not born in Zimbabwe you are not eligible.”Unless I could prove that my father was a citizen of Zimbabwe when I was born, the Registrar said, then I was not eligible. I explained that my father had been dead for over twenty years and providing proof of his citizenship was now impossible. “My father lived in Zimbabwe for over fifty years,” I said, “actually he was a civil servant and in fact he was a Magistrate in this very town.” The Registrar wasn’t interested; unless I had proof my father was a citizen when I was born, I was not going to vote. It wasn’t  my father trying to vote, it was  me, but that apparently meant nothing.


Enraged, I left, went back to the voters’ registration office, demanded my form back from the ZEC officials and tore it up. “A clear case?” I asked. No one said anything; how could they, they too had been over-ruled. With my hands shaking and tears stinging, I was almost out of the gate when another ZEC official ran out after me, took my details and said he wanted to help me and would look into my case. He also thought I was eligible but phoned later; he had consulted with legal advisors who said I was not eligible because I could not prove my parents were citizens of Zimbabwe when I was born.


My excitement over the approach of a New Zimbabwe had been replaced by a great sadness. How many times must I be made to feel I do not belong in the country of my birth? How many thousands of others have also been turned away? Do any of the current crop of political wanabees give a damn?  


Love Cathy 16 February 2018


Morgan Tsvangirai Obituary PDF Print E-mail
Written by Administrator   
Saturday, 17 February 2018 11:28 

16 February 2018

Courageous Zimbabwean politician who risked his life to lead the struggle against Robert Mugabe’s tyrannical regime for two decades

In 1997 Robert Mugabe’s thugs burst into Morgan Tsvangirai’s tenth-floor office in Harare and tried to push him out of the window. He was saved by his secretary’s screams, but left lying in a pool of blood.


In 2002 a doctored video surfaced of Tsvangirai purportedly plotting with a former Israeli intelligence agent to assassinate Mugabe. For two years he faced a possible death sentence, until a judge acquitted him.


In 2007 the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was arrested and beaten so badly that his skull was cracked. Photos of his bruised and bloodied face shocked the world.


Tsvangirai had plenty of human frailties, but he did not lack courage. Stocky and charismatic with a strong baritone voice, he led the opposition to Mugabe, the liberation hero who became a tyrant, for two decades. He was imprisoned and beaten. He was vilified as a western stooge in the state-controlled media and enjoyed little support from other African countries because he was challenging one of the continent’s iconic independence leaders.


Tsvangirai did not abandon the struggle, however, and he would undoubtedly have become president had Mugabe not stolen three elections by rigging the vote and suppressing the opposition. “I will soldier on until Zimbabwe is free,” he wrote in 2007. “Far from killing my spirit, the scars they brutally inflicted on me have re-energised me. I seek no martyrdom. I only seek a new dispensation in my country in which citizens live freely in prosperity and not in fear of their rulers.”


The most egregious theft occurred in 2008, when the regime unleashed such a violent onslaught against the MDC and its supporters that it became known as “chidudu” (the fear). Tsvangirai finally withdrew from the contest to stop the bloodshed but the international outcry was so great, and Zimbabwe’s economic plight so desperate, that Mugabe’s South African patrons forced him to form a national unity government with the MDC.


Tsvangirai served as prime minister for four years and Zimbabwe enjoyed a brief respite from the worst of Mugabe’s depredations but the arrangement served the old “crocodile” well. It gave his Zanu-PF party time to regroup and tarnished the MDC. International attention moved on. Mugabe stole the next election with virtual impunity. Thereafter the opposition was divided, disorganised and demoralised, and Tsvangirai was afflicted by cancer.


Morgan Richard Tsvangirai was born in the village of Buhera, 130 miles south of Harare, in 1952, the eldest of nine children. He attended missionary schools and gained eight O levels, but was forced to start work to support his siblings before he could do his A levels after his father, a labourer, died when he was in his teens. For the same reason, he took a job in an elastics factory in Umtali rather than join the liberation struggle at a time when African nationalism was sweeping the continent and war against white minority rule had erupted in Zimbabwe.


Two years later he won an apprenticeship at a nickel mine owned by Anglo-American in Bindura, northeast of Harare. He remained there for ten years, rising through the ranks to become a plant supervisor, and married Susan Nyaradso, with whom he had six children: Garikai, who moved to Canada; Vimbai, who left for Australia; Rumbidzai, who has a degree in finance; and Edwin and the twins Vincent and Millicent, who all live in South Africa.


Tsvangirai wrote of Susan in his autobiography: “There would be times in the future when she literally restored me to life and health after vicious assaults and supported me and many others through thick and thin while we faced trials, persecution and false accusations. Truly, a man was never so blessed in a life partner.”


Midway through his time in Bindura, Zimbabwe gained independence and Mugabe became the country’s first democratically elected prime minister. At that time Tsvangirai regarded Mugabe as a hero and joined the victorious Zanu-PF. “I would have laid down my life for him,” he said later.


Tsvangirai also joined the Associated Mine Workers Union. He became a branch chairman, was appointed to the national executive in 1983, and three years later moved his family to Harare to become a full-time vice-president of the union. In 1989 he became secretary-general of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), and his disillusionment with Mugabe took root as the increasingly authoritarian government failed to improve the lot of ordinary workers.


Under Tsvangirai the ZCTU ceased to be an appendage of Zanu-PF and became one of the ruling party’s strongest critics. While Mugabe highlighted Tsvangirai’s failure to fight in the liberation struggle, the leader of the MDC was seen as having the common touch. A teetotaller who did not smoke, he lived simply in a suburb of Harare and drove an old, battered Mazda, a far cry from lifestyles of the ruling elite.


He was detained for six weeks for supporting a student demonstration against government corruption. After that he orchestrated a series of strikes against the government’s economic policies. The thugs tried to push him from an office window after he organised a nationwide strike against a punitive tax increase.


By then the economy was deteriorating and the full horrors of Mugabe’s massacre of opponents in Matabeleland in the 1980s had begun to emerge. Tsvangirai and other civic leaders responded by forming the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) to press for radical reforms.


Two years later the NCA mutated into the MDC, which was launched in September 1999 before 20,000 exuberant supporters at Harare’s Rufaro stadium, the scene of Zimbabwe’s independence celebrations 19 years earlier. Its watchword was “chinja” (change); its symbol the open hand, the antithesis of Zanu-PF’s clenched fist.


The MDC grew rapidly and scored its first significant victory in February 2000 when voters decisively rejected a proposed new constitution designed to strengthen Mugabe. The referendum was the first defeat of Mugabe’s political career and he responded with the brutal repression that would become his trademark. Before the parliamentary elections four months later he unleashed his thugs and security forces, seizing nearly 1,000 white-owned farms to disperse a huge potential reservoir of MDC supporters among the country’s one million black farmworkers and their families.


Scores of MDC supporters, including two of Tsvangirai’s campaign staff, were killed and thousands beaten in what he called a “devil’s carnival”. The MDC still won 57 of the 120 elected parliamentary seats, but not the one Tsvangirai contested in his native Buhera. He challenged that result, and 30 others, in court, but to no avail.


The farm seizures continued, destroying the very cornerstone of Zimbabwe’s economy and paving the way for the hyperinflation that would reach 500 billion per cent a few years later. So did the repression.


Three months after the election the MDC’s headquarters was attacked with grenades. A week later Tsvangirai’s office was ransacked. In January 2001 the printing presses of the opposition Daily News were blown up. Tsvangirai was accused of inciting terrorism after he warned of violence if Mugabe did not step down. The Supreme Court acquitted Tsvangirai, but he was subsequently charged with the capital offence of treason in a bizarre attempt to force him out of the 2002 election.


The charge centred on a scarcely audible video that purportedly showed Tsvangirai discussing Mugabe’s assassination with a former Mossad agent named Ari Ben-Menashe in a hotel in Montreal, Canada. Although the film had clearly been manipulated, the charge hung over Tsvangirai for two years before he was acquitted.


Despite that, Tsvangirai did contest the 2002 presidential election. It was characterised by the same brutality, intimidation, poll-rigging and media propaganda. He was shot at, stoned and arrested as he sought to campaign across the country. Mugabe was declared the winner with 1,685,212 votes to Tsvangirai’s 1,258,401. Tsvangirai called it “the biggest electoral fraud in history” and most international observers agreed. Zimbabwe was suspended from the Commonwealth.


Undaunted, and rejecting advice that he leave the country for his own safety, Tsvangirai continued to lead the opposition to Mugabe as Zimbabwe’s economy began to implode.


In 2005 Zanu-PF increased its parliamentary majority in another sham election. To punish urban constituencies that voted MDC Mugabe ordered his security forces to demolish the slums of Harare and other cities, destroying the homes and livelihoods of 700,000 Zimbabweans in an operation dubbed Murambatsvina (“Remove the Filth”).


A few months later Tsvangirai suffered another blow when the MDC split after he overruled a decision by the party’s national council to contest Senate elections; although he fought tirelessly for democracy, he certainly had an authoritarian streak. Then, in March 2007, he was hauled from his car by police and, with several other MDC activists, beaten with iron bars until he lost consciousness. Two days later he was released with a fractured skull, prompting international condemnation.


The 2008 presidential election was worse than any before. It took place against a background of hyperinflation, 80 per cent unemployment, nationwide hunger and the collapse of public services. Desperate for change, voters elected 99 MDC MPs, giving it control of the legislature for the first time. But the regime suppressed the results of the presidential election for five weeks before announcing that Tsvangirai had won with 47.9 per cent, compared with Mugabe’s 43.2 per cent — leaving him short of the 50 per cent required to avoid a run-off. Although Tsvangirai considered the results to be fraudulent, he had little choice but contest the run-off.


The regime then unleashed a savage onslaught against the MDC and its supporters. Hundreds were killed. Thousands were tortured. “When those who survive, terribly injured, limp home, or are carried or pushed in wheelbarrows, or on the back of pick-up trucks, they act like human billboards, advertising the appalling consequences of opposition to the tyranny,” Peter Godwin wrote in a book entitled The Fear, on those three brutal months.


Tsvangirai fled to neighbouring Botswana, fearing for his life. He finally returned but found campaigning impossible. Finally, to avoid further bloodshed, he withdrew from a contest that he called a “violent sham”, leaving Mugabe to coast home unopposed.


In the subsequent government of national unity, which was forced on Mugabe by the South African president Thabo Mbeki, Tsvangirai served as prime minister and cabinet posts were shared between Zanu-PF and the MDC. But Mugabe benefited much more than Tsvangirai from the deal.


The Zimbabwean dollar was abolished, ending hyperinflation. A semblance of fiscal sanity was restored. The humanitarian crisis eased. But the MDC and its ministers were inevitably tainted by government while Mugabe reneged on promises, thwarted reforms and kept tight control of the security and intelligence services. “He saw us as a temporary lifeline to enable him to rise from an abyss,” an outmanoeuvred Tsvangirai wrote in his memoir.


His tangled love life also attracted unwelcome headlines. Shortly after becoming prime minister, his wife of 31 years was killed in a car crash from which he emerged with only minor injuries. He married Elizabeth Macheka in 2012, a year after Locardia Karimatsenga Tembo, a businesswoman and sister of a Zanu-PF MP, claimed that he had married her in a traditional ceremony. There were reports of other girlfriends and of at least one love child.


By 2013 the world had wearied of Zimbabwe’s seemingly endless troubles. Zanu-PF was able to rig that year’s elections with little international outcry and the country returned to one-party rule. Although Tsvangirai remained Zimbabwe’s most popular politician, he was past his peak.


The MDC soon split for a second time after his bitter falling-out with Tendai Biti, the party’s secretary- general. Having become fond of the trappings of power, Tsvangirai continued to live in the luxurious government house that he had occupied as prime minister. He even allowed the Mugabe regime to finance some of his treatment in South Africa for the colon cancer that eventually killed him.


In the end, it was not Tsvangirai who toppled Mugabe, but Emmerson Mnangagwa, the dictator’s loyal henchman for the previous 37 years, who declined to form another national unity government. Tsvangirai’s last chance to lead his country away from the darkness of the Mugabe era had gone.


 Morgan Tsvangirai, Zimbabwean politician, was born on March 10, 1952. He died of colon cancer on February 14, 2018, aged 65

Zimvigil Petition: UK Government to require new Zimbabwean regime to account for Gukurahundi genocide PDF Print E-mail
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Wednesday, 14 February 2018 13:54

The Zimbabwe Vigil is petitioning the UK Government to require new Zimbabwean regime to account for Gukurahundi genocide. The petition reads: Zimbabwe has reportedly been encouraged by the UK Government to apply to rejoin the Commonwealth. Zimbabweans in exile in the UK, and supporters, urge the UK not to support readmission until the ruling Zanu PF satisfactorily addresses the genocide of some 20000 Ndebeles in the 1980s. A simple apology would be a start but we believe an independent truth and reconciliation process offers the best hope of healing the still bleeding wounds.You can sign the petition here:

Obituary: Father Ted Rogers PDF Print E-mail
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Sunday, 11 February 2018 12:50

Liverpudlian priest who ignored death threats to train black social workers in the townships of pre–independence Rhodesia

When Father Ted Rogers set up a school in what was then Rhodesia to train young black people to become social workers his photograph was spat on, he was called a “kaffir-boetie” (lover of blacks) and told that he could be made to “disappear”.

His Jesuit superiors sent him to southern Africa in 1960 and charged him to do “social work” in the townships. Ignoring threats, the working class Liverpudlian decided it would be better to train young black people to do it instead and founded what is now the University of Zimbabwe’s School of Social Work in a disused school in Salisbury (now Harare) in 1964.

Although at that point he had no training in social work, Rogers instinctively realised the need to train students in community work that tied in with African social and family structures. In his later work in HIV/Aids he saw western medicine’s emphasis on confidentiality as a barrier because in traditional African society, the whole family would rally around an ill relative and help.

At the same time, Rogers was one of the first to speak publicly against the segregationist land acts of the prime minister Ian Smith and tracked atrocities against blacks by government forces. Priestly colleagues were deported or imprisoned under Smith’s white government and some priests were abducted and allegedly murdered by the nationalist opposition. Rogers remained as a witness to all the unrest that has broiled the nation ever since; a month before his death he published Missionary Martyrs of Rhodesia and Zimbabwe 1976-1988.

He also worked with drought victims, refugees displaced by the civil war and the families of political prisoners. With the coming of independence in 1980 and the end of civil war, Rogers was approached by the then president Canaan Banana to help in establishing training that would allow former combatants to return to civilian life and complete their education.

Rogers started the Kushinga-Phikelela Agricultural Institute and he also helped to reopen rural schools and missions. He worked with the Justice and Peace Commission, which exposed the deaths of 20,000 Ndebele civilians in Matabeleland by Robert Mugabe’s army in the 1980s.

Edward Rogers was born in Liverpool in 1924, the third of the nine children of Edward and Ellen, devout working-class Catholics. He was educated by the Christian Brothers and joined the wartime Merchant Navy at the age of 17. On his first voyage the ship was torpedoed and he spent four days, with 120 others, in blazing sun on two overcrowded lifeboats off the African coast.

That close encounter with death prompted him to ask what he could do with his life. The answer was to enter the priesthood. He trained as a Jesuit and worked with the Apostleship of the Sea in east London. He was ordained in 1958 and sent to Rhodesia in 1960.

Rogers retired as principal of the School of Social Work in 1985, but a year later he was asked by Zimbabwe’s bishops to create an Aids programme in the face of denial, ignorance and lack of public understanding about the disease. The counselling, training, public information and education for young people that he set up in Zimbabwe rivalled anything in Britain. While deaths from Aids were running at 3,000 a week, infection rates dropped from about 30 per cent in 2000 to 17 per cent a decade later. His work on Aids expanded when he acted as director of the Inter-Regional Meeting of Bishops of Southern Africa for several years.

He returned to the UK in 2011 because of ill health and spent his retirement at the Corpus Christi Jesuit Community in Boscombe, Dorset, where increasing frailty never dampened his jollity and humour.

“After 51 years in Rhodesia and Zimbabwe I have left with three pairs of trousers, five shirts, two pairs of shoes, a four-year-old laptop and a camera,” he said. “I am not just resigned, but peaceful and happy.”

Father Ted Rogers SJ, Catholic priest and social activist, was born 9 November, 1924. He died on December 30, 2017, aged 93

Newsletter from the Mike CampbellC Foundation SADC Tribunal court hearing 6 February 2018 PDF Print E-mail
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Sunday, 11 February 2018 12:43

We would like to thank everyone who prayed for our Court Case this week against President Jacob Zuma in the Pretoria High Court for his role in unilaterally closing down southern Africa's regional court, the SADC Tribunal, in 2012.

The hearing went extremely well. We were before three High Court Judges, including the Judge President. Our advocate, Jeremy Gauntlett QC SC, gave the main argument. There were also three other advocates arguing against President Zuma. They were acting for the Law Society of South Africa, who initiated the case, and other human rights organisations. Another advocate argued for President Zuma.

It was argued that President Zuma, by signing the Protocol which took away the rights of Southern African Development Community (SADC) citizens to go to the SADC Tribunal on human rights issues, was not acting consistently with his constitutional duties. 

Advocate Gauntlett said that the President carries with him the Constitution of South Africa at all times. Conduct inconsistent with the Constitution was invalid.

He also argued that the SADC Tribunal's existence was an integral part of the SADC Treaty.

He went on to say that President Zuma acted in an irrational manner by not then going through the necessary steps to ratify his action through Parliament - and that there was no legitimate government objective in President Zuma's action. 

It was argued that President Zuma's signature - in removing access to the Tribunal for individual SADC citizens - ignored the vested rights of the 277 million citizens and was done in bad faith. 

It was pointed out that President Zuma had ignored the SADC Ministers of Justice and Attorneys-General recommendations, as well as the World Trade Institute Advisors (WTIA) report.

Instead of taking steps against the perpetrator (Zimbabwe) he had taken steps against both the Judges and the victims of the perpetrator.

Advocate Gauntlett said "it was the jewel in the crown; the engine; the heart beat of the Tribunal to deal with human rights issues."

When SADC created the Tribunal, which was officially established in August 2005, it was created for human rights. This was the heart of it. There was also a Constitutional obligation to protect and advance human rights.

There was no explanation as to why the compensation case of Zimbabwean farmers Jarrett et al had not been allowed to continue. Zimbabwe violated the SADC Treaty so it is irrational that that this should not have been addressed. The closing of courts is contrary to international law and the SADC Treaty.

President Zuma operated at the highest level and had a Constitutional obligation to protect and advance human rights but did the opposite, also failing in his democratic obligations for a participatory process in lawmaking. 

If you take courts away, it is also contrary to the Constitution.

It was confirmed that Constitutional obligations are not trumped by comity (the need to act together with other states like Zimbabwe).

All arguments went well and they were completed in a single day, with excellent engagement from the Judges. We should be given a judgment in the next three weeks.

Many thanks again for your prayers and thank you to our amazing legal team, especially advocates Willie Spies, Jeremy Gauntlett and Frank Pelser.

Ben Freeth

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